Sejam Bem Vindos! O que queremos ainda Não Sabemos.O Brasil é um país onde o povo é passivo. O crime compensa. A corrupção é a mãe de todos os crimes e a impunidade embala. A bandidagem seria bem menor sem os bandidos de toga e sua máfia no STF. Aqui você tem uma ideia... lê.Tem outra ideia... relê...E muda de ideia. Assim é a mágica cura do amor e da ciência. Aqui relembramos os fatos que não podem ser esquecidos e frisamos que os que mais podem e sabem são os que nada fazem.
O caso aconteceu na avenida Almirante Barroso, esquina com a travessa Humaitá, bairro do Marco. De acordo com as informações da polícia, um homem tentou roubar o celular do investigador, que sacou a arma e efetuou os disparos. Segundo a delegacia que recebeu o caso, após a reação do policial houve uma discussão dele com um Guarda Municipal que testemunhou a ação.
Após a discussão, o investigador saiu do local, mas acabou detido em frente ao colégio Souza Franco, próximo a travessa Timbó, portando uma pistola ponto 40.
O caso continuará sendo investigado na delegacia do Marco e o policial poderá responder por atentar contra a vida de outros cidadãos ao efetuar disparos em via pública.
La Braña 1, nome usado para batizar indivíduo de 7 mil anos que viveu no período Mesolítico, que tinha olhos azuis e pele escura (Foto: PELOPANTON / CSIC)
Análise de DNA descobriu que indivíduo tinha pele escura e olhos azuis. Investigação sobre o caçador-coletor ibérico foi publicada na 'Nature'.
Da France Presse
Ele vivia na Espanha há cerca de 7.000 anos, tinha, provavelmente, a pele e os cabelos escuros e os olhos azuis: uma equipe espanhola mapeou pela primeira vez o genoma completo de um caçador-coletor europeu.
Este estudo, publicado neste domingo (26) pela revista científica "Nature", permite traçar o retrato de um europeu do período Mesolítico - entre o Paleolítico e o Neolítico - quando a subsistência ainda era garantida pela caça e pela coleta.
A pesquisa também fornece dados sobre as mudanças trazidas à fisiologia humana através da introdução progressiva na Europa, no período Neolítico, da agricultura e da domesticação.
A equipe de pesquisadores liderada por Carles Lalueza-Fox, do Instituto de Biologia Evolutiva de Barcelona, analisou o DNA de um dente de um dos dois esqueletos masculinos descobertos em 2006 na gruta de La Braña-Arintero, na província de León, noroeste da Espanha. As ossadas, preservadas em boas condições, são datadas de aproximadamente 7.000 anos, correspondendo ao período Mesolítico - 10.000 a 5.000 anos.
O estudo mostra que o caçador-coletor da península ibérica era geneticamente distante das populações europeias atuais, mas estava, contudo, mais próxima dos europeus do Norte de hoje, como suecos e finlandeses.
As comparações com outras amostras antigas parecem, ainda, indicar uma 'continuidade genética' através da Europa ocidental e central, desde o Paleolítico superior até o Mesolítico.
A pigmentação da pele do indivíduo de La Braña era provavelmente escura, e seus cabelos castanhos. Mas ele também era portador de uma mutação que, no homem contemporâneo, acarreta em olhos azuis. "Este fenótipo raro não existe nas populações europeias contemporâneas", ressaltou Lalueza-Fox.
"Até o momento, nós considerávamos que a cor da pele clara havia evoluído muito cedo na Europa, no Paleolítico superior, em função de uma baixa atividade de raios solares UV em altas latitudes", explicou. "Mas este certamente não foi o caso. Essa evolução ocorreu muito mais tarde, provavelmente no Neolítico", disse o pesquisador. Ela poderia estar associada às mudanças no regime alimentar e à diminuição da ingestão de vitamina D por parte dos criadores, em relação aos caçadores.
Os geneticistas também se debruçaram sobre os genes do sistema digestivo do caçador-coletor de La Braña para tentar retraçar a história de duas adaptações 'recentes' do regime alimentar do homem adulto: o consumo de leite e de amido, encontrado hoje nos cereais e na batata, por exemplo.
Ele mostraram que o indivíduo de La Braña era portador da variação genética ancestral que produzia uma intolerância à lactose. Da mesma forma, o homem não era geneticamente preparado para ter uma dieta rica em amido.
"Estes resultados sugerem que o caçador-coletor de La Braña tinha capacidades medíocres para digerir o leite e o amido, levando à hipótese de que estas faculdades foram adquiridas mais tarde, com a introdução da agricultura", afirmaram os pesquisadores.
Por outro lado, eles mostraram que diversas variações genéticas associadas à resistência aos agentes patogênicos nos europeus modernos já estavam presentes neste indivíduo. Não se trataria, então, de uma adaptação ligada à passagem ao modo de vida agrícola e à domesticação animal.
"A análise de outros antigos genomas da Europa central ou do norte será necessária para confirmar que as características genéticas do indivíduo de La Braña podem ser generalizadas a outras populações do Mesolítico", concluem os pesquisadores.
Deaths of at least three demonstrators come as
businesses near protest hub reportedly ordered to close
Wednesday is Ukraine's
Day of National Unity, but the country has never felt so divided.At least three
people have died in Kiev, the first casualties of a protestmovement
that has rumbled on for two months before bursting dramatically into violence
over the weekend.
Two protesters were shot dead during clashes with
police, who attempted to take back control of the city centre. Prosecutors
confirmed earlier claims by the protest leaders that the pair had been shot
with live ammunition. A third protester died after falling from a high column
at Dynamo Kiev's football stadium while fighting with police, Reuters reported.
Oleg Musiy, the coordinator of the medical service at
Independence Square, told a pro-opposition radio station that another two
people had been killed, though this could not be confirmed.
As President Viktor Yanukovych held long talks with the trio of opposition
leaders who have led the protests for the past two months, the deaths seemed
likely to further inflame the tense situation in the country.
Parts of central Kiev resembled a battle zone as thick
clouds of smoke filled the air and the sound of stun grenades rang out. Police
shot at demonstrators with rubber bullets, and rumours swirled that a storm of
the main protest encampment, the heavily barricaded Independence Square, could
begin at any time. At one point, police deployed an armoured personnel carrier
to back up their movements.
Martial law was effectively declared at 4pm local
time, as shops, hotels and other businesses in the area surrounding the hub of
the protests were reportedly ordered to close their doors for the day. A
full-on storm was not immediately forthcoming, however.
Riot police pulled back
from further clashes but were involved in a protracted standoff with protesters
near the Dynamo Kiev football stadium overnight. People brought thousands of
tyres to create a blazing wall in between the police lines and the protest
barricades. At midnight, a full-scale firework display was launched, with the
rockets aimed horizontally at police. On Independence Square, the already
formidable barricades were augmented with more sacks of snow, metal railings
The first attempts to
push back protesters came as dawn broke, amid a swirling blizzard. Police began
their assault on the impromptu barricades on Hrushevskogo Street, where clashes
have been ongoing since Sunday evening. Videos circulated of the police beating
and kicking protesters, many of whom were hurling rocks and molotov cocktails
at officers in scenes that shocked residents of Kiev. Political protest has
been a way of life here since the 2004 Orange Revolution, but before this week,
rallies have never descended into violence.
Police launched another
attack on protesters shortly after midday Kiev time (10am GMT), dispersing a
crowd of thousands of people, moving them hundreds of metres back. They used
teargas and rubber bullets and beat fleeing protesters with sticks. Some people
were arrested. Then thousands of policemen regrouped into new lines to take
shelter from stones being hurled at them.
Even as his riot police
were on the attack, Yanukovych released a statement urging them to
"regulate the conflict in a peaceful way" and saying he was against
"bloodshed and forceful methods". He asked the opposition to hold
talks and demanded that people "not heed the calls of political radicals".
Vitali Klitschko, the
opposition leader and former heavyweight boxer, called on Yanukovych to
announce snap elections as a way to resolve an ongoing political crisis.
"I know that this
very second he [the president] is watching this live broadcast. You, the
president, you know that snap elections will change the situation without
blood, and we'll do everything to achieve this," Klitschko told the crowd
in Independence Square on Wednesday evening. He added that talks with
Yanukovych that started on Wednesday would have to continue on Thursday,
otherwise "we will go on the attack".
Yanukovych on Wednesday
met the three main opposition leaders – Klitschko, nationalist Oleh Tyahnybok,
and Arseniy Yatsenyuk, of jailed former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko's party
– for three hours.
The prime minister,
Mykola Azarov, struck a defiant note, blaming the victims for their own deaths
and saying that the government had "no other option" but to use force
of these disturbances cannot be called peaceful. These are criminals, who are
disturbing order. I want to officially state that the victims are the
responsibility of the troublemakers."
Azarov said terrorists
were threatening the lives of ordinary citizens in Kiev, and that the
"criminal" actions of protesters would be punished and suggested
further force was possible. He was due to appear at the World Economic Forum in
Davos later on Wednesday, but his invitation was reportedly withdrawn.
Earlier the protesters
reconstructed their barricades as thousands came to support them.
In a letter read out by
her daughter Eugenia in Independence Square, Yulia Tymoshenko called on the
protesters to continue their struggle. "The blood of these heroes of
Ukraine lies on the hands of Yanukovych," the letter said. "If we,
Ukrainians, forgive him this, then we will deserve everything he will do to us
Vasyl, 76, a pensioner
from the central Cherkasy region, said: "They [the authorities] provoked
this. We are unarmed but nevertheless they are afraid of us." His friend
Pavlo, 60, wearing stripes in the colours of Ukrainian and EU flags, said he
came to support the protesters and was ready to throw stones at police.
"The blood is the
fault of the convict [Yanukovych] and his party. We want these occupiers to
An exhausted Orthodox
priest with a huge cross around his neck trudged between the lines, trying
unsuccessful to bring calm. "I'm here to placate the violence. My
congregation is here," he said.
Yuriy Lutsenko, a
Ukrainian former interior affairs minister, called on riot police to stop
fighting against the protesters. "Soldiers, if you stand here we will
become Russia and you will have to go and fight in Chechnya," he said
through a loudspeaker, addressing lines of police from a minivan in the middle
of the crowd. "This is not your war. This is a war of the Ukrainian people
against the mafia."
The protests began when
Yanukovych turned his back on a planned association agreement with the European
Union, citing financial pressure and the need for closer ties with Russia. They
have since grown into a more general protest against Yanukovych's government,
and have also attracted a noisy minority who hold radical far-right views.
Condemnation of the
violence came in a torrent from across Europe. Carl Bildt, the Swedish foreign
minister, described the situation as extremely serious. The EU's response
remains to be seen, he said, but "it won't be business as usual".
José Manuel Barroso, president of the European commission, said he was shocked
at the deaths. He added: "I would like to explicitly underline the
fundamental responsibility of the Ukrainian authorities to now take action to
de-escalate this crisis and, in particular, the need for them to engage in a
genuine dialogue with the opposition and with civil society on the ways to
overcome this deep crisis."
The United States
revoked visas to several Ukrainian officials on Wednesday over the violence in
November and December of last year.
The main voice of
support for tough action has come from Moscow, where on Tuesday, foreign
minister Sergei Lavrov accused European politicians of "fuelling" the
violence in Ukraine, and noted that in any European country, the seizure of
public buildings and violence against police would also be met with force.
Ukraine's street protests against corruption grow increasingly ugly, the
unlikely figure of heavyweight boxer Vitali Klitschko has emerged as a voice
for the opposition. What will happen next – and why has he taken on the biggest
fight of his life?
Klitschko in Kiev … 'We need to join all our forces.' Photograph: AP
People have been trying to land kicks and punches on Vitali Klitschko for most of the past two decades, and he has
brushed almost all of them off with ease. But his current opponent, Ukrainian
president Viktor Yanukovych, has a few advantages that none of the previous
challengers possessed: several
thousand riot police at his disposal, for a start, and the use of a pliant court system to
prevent Klitschko from entering the ring in the first place.
Klitschko, whose PhD in sports science combined with a
fearsome reputation as a former heavyweight champion earned the 42-year-old the
nickname "Dr Ironfist", has emerged as the natural leader of the street protests
that have swept Ukraine for the past two months, ever since the president went back on his promise to
sign an association agreement with the EU. Crowds, mainly from the pro-European
west of the country, were initially drawn to stand up for their desires of
European integration, but the rallies soon morphed into general discontent with
the bloated kleptocracy that critics say surrounds the president. Barricades
were erected around Independence Square, and every day for two months, politicians
including Klitschko have addressed crowds from the stage, rallying the masses
in protest against the president he eventually hopes to succeed.
his hands full trying to contain the protest movement which erupted into violence
on Sunday night,
as thousands hurled rocks at riot police and set their buses on fire. Klitschko
was moving through the crowds, unsuccessfully calling for calm, and at one
point was even sprayed in the face with a fire extinguisher by an angry
But despite the difficulty and complexity of the task
ahead, Klitschko is resolutely confident that the protests, which have so far
failed to draw any major concessions from Yanukovych, represent a victory for
the Ukrainian people.
"People are saying: 'We don't want to live like
this. We want things to change,' he tells me just days before the mood turned
violent. "This is a victory in the head of every Ukrainian, and in their
heart – and this is worth an awful lot."
Dressed in a dark grey suit that sits surprisingly
elegantly on his enormous frame, Klitschko speaks slowly and methodically.
"The system today is built to service the clan,
the family, and not society as a whole. Yanukovych doesn't want change. He says
he does. But he says he wanted European integration and that turned out to be a
He pauses, blinking, before answering each question,
usually with carefully formulated and somewhat monotonous answers. Would he put
Yanukovych on trial for the corruption that has escalated under the current
regime, and the blatant enrichment of his family members? Klitschko pauses.
"If people break the law, they should be punished," he says. So is
that a yes? What does he personally think about Yanukovych? He pauses again.
"If people break the law, they should be punished." It is as though
he has discovered the concept of speaking like a politician, but not yet
mastered the craft.
He might lack the fiery charisma of born political
leaders, but in a country where the 2004 Orange Revolution was
followed by huge disappointment, and people are all too used to broken promises from
politicians, Klitschko's plodding sincerity and political neophytism are
attractive qualities. Unlike many Ukrainian politicians, he is free from
allegations of corruption. The expensive watch on his wrist and the smart cars
he drives can be accounted for by the millions that he earned in transparent
fashion in the boxing ring.
Klitschko's boxing statistics are extraordinary. He
won 45 of 47 professional fights, and was never knocked out once. Boxing
aficionados suggest that the time of his dominance was not a particularly
glorious era for the sport and that he never faced a truly brilliant
challenger, making him a boxing equivalent of Pete Sampras – repeatedly
victorious yet not destined to be remembered as one of the all-time greats.
Nevertheless, along with his younger brother, Vladimir, he has completely
dominated the sport for a decade.
Klitschko's father was a Soviet military pilot, and
the young Vitali grew up on military bases across the former Soviet Union,
moving from the Central Asian steppes to the Baltic before settling in Kiev in
1984 as a teenager. With its chiselled features and sombre expression,
Klitschko's face could come from a Stalin-era poster extolling the Soviet
sporting hero,and his aura of moral grounding and sincerity certainly came
across during his boxing career. He cut an unusually polite figure in a milieu
normally associated with hubris and puerile bravado.
Klitschko recalls a fight
against Briton Richard Vince, in Norwich, back in 1994. It was before he had
become boxing world champion and was instead tearing up the kickboxing circuit,
and he travelled to Britain for a world title fight in the sport.
"The whole family of my opponent came to the
fight and were sitting in the front row. His dad, mum, wife and kids were
there. I knocked him out in the second round and he blacked out. He was lying
there unconscious, and I saw pain in the eyes of his family. After that I said
that my relatives should never come to my fights. I don't want to cause those
emotions in my family." He also says he sought out Vince's relatives and
apologised to them after the fight. When his brother Vladimir, five years his
junior, also became a successful heavyweight boxer, he promised his mother that
the pair would never fight each other.
Klitschko, center, is attacked and sprayed with a fire extinguisher as he tries to stop clashes. Photograph: Efrem Lukatsky/AP
I try my hardest to steer clear of hackneyed
comparisons between the boxing ring and the Ukrainian political fight, but
Klitschko himself repeatedly wheels out the metaphors. Even the name of his
political party, the Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reform, handily
condenses into the acronym Udar, the Russian and Ukrainian word for
"In order to land a punch, you need to bring your
fingers together into a fist. We need to join all of our forces together. That
is the only way that we can win."
Klitschko and Tyahnybok have been joined on the stage
by Arseniy Yatsenyuk, the representative of jailed former prime minister Yulia Tymoshenko's Fatherland party.
"Three things unite us," says Klitschko of
the troika of opposition leaders. "The first is disagreement with the
current economic situation; the second is that we see European integration as
the only future for Ukraine,
and the third is the struggle against the current authoritarian regime."
Tymoshenko, who was one of the leaders of the Orange
Revolution, was considered Yanukovych's most dangerous potential enemy before
the emergence of Klitschko, and most people believe her jailing was a political
decision. However, Yatsenyuk lacks the charisma of his party leader, and with
his spectacles and roll-neck jumpers looks more like a linguistics professor
than a rousing political leader.
With Tyahnybok's appeal limited to the more
nationalist west of Ukraine, most people assume that if the opposition puts
forward a united candidate to take on Yanukovych in presidential elections,
Klitschko is the only viable choice to appeal to a broad demographic. The vote
is scheduled for 2015, though one of the key demands of the protests from the
start has been early elections.
The government has attempted to bar him from any
future presidential race by introducing a new law that would disqualify him due
to his extended absences from the country while he pursued his boxing career.
He was resident in Germany for a long period, and recent rumours in the
Ukrainian press say he also has a US social security number and pays US taxes.
The boxer, who suddenly starts referring to himself in the third person, says
the new electoral law is a nonsense.
"The idea is deliberately being fed to society
that Klitschko can't stand. I have always been a citizen of Ukraine since the
moment of our independence. I was registered in Ukraine and I live in Ukraine.
But sport is global, and everyone knows that you can't limit yourself to one
country. The authorities are doing everything to ensure Klitschko can't stand
in elections. But I will say it once again: there are no reasons to remove me
from the elections."
When I ask what he will do if he, nevertheless, is
banned from standing, he is evasive, saying he will "defend his position
firmly". What does this mean? "My position is clear to everyone … and
I am certain that they won't do something so stupid. It would be the same as
saying that ice is warm or water is dry." Yanukovych's government has made
its fair share of decisions that many might regard as stupid over recent
months, I point out.
Klitschko, right, lands a punch on Britain's Dereck Chisora during a title bout in 2012. Photograph: Frank Augstein/AP
"Then I will fight it. This is a battle, and I
don't plan to give up easily."
The question of just how far he is willing to go in
terms of violent opposition to a regime that has refused to listen to peaceful
protest remains unanswered, but he is insistent that any violence is the fault
of the authorities.
"The protest mood in Ukraine is at a higher
temperature than ever before," says Klitschko towards the end of the
interview. "We only need a small spark for the situation to develop in a
way that will be completely out of control for the authorities."
His words turn out to be prophetic, as the rally on
Sunday turned violent,
with dozens of protesters and police injured, and the way out of the political
impasse is now even more unclear. Klitschko will need to negotiate the
landscape and make a decision on whether he goes for all-out war with the
regime, or bides his time until a 2015 vote. He went to see Yanukovych on
Sunday evening, where the president offered to start negotiations with the
opposition leaders. However, on Monday, it was announced that Yanukovych
himself would not attend the talks.
"Not signing the EU integration agreement, attacking
peaceful protesters and ignoring human rights – all of these were indicators of
the way things are in Ukraine right now. If these things keep happening, then
nobody can predict how it will end."
Klitschko warned Yanukovych on Sunday night to
"find strength and not repeat the fate of Ceausescu and Gaddafi",
referring to the former Romanian and Libyan dictators who ended up dead. He
added that if the government did not pull back from violence then "civil
war cannot be ruled out". While the majority of protesters remain
peaceful, it is clear that the radical element is growing, partly in reaction
to new anti-protest laws which essentially make the street rallies that have
paralysed the capital illegal.
recently that he was retiring from boxing to concentrate on his political
career. He has been given "champion emeritus" status, which would
allow him to mount a challenge to any new champion at any time, but he says
that such thoughts are far from his mind at the moment.
"I am thankful for
this title of champion emeritus, and proud I never lost my title. A lot of
people want to see a last fight, but I am now engaged in a different fight. One
that is much harder, much more vicious and much more important to me. I am
fighting for democracy, and fighting for Ukraine."
Kiev protests intensify on Ukraine's Day of National Unity - video
Clashes between anti-government protesters and police have intensified on Wednesday following the death of two protesters overnight. Wednesday is Ukraine's Day of National Unity, although the socio-political climate is anything but united. Martial law has effectively been declared, with parts of the capital resembling a battle zone. Protests began two months ago when President Yanukovych snubbed an agreement with the European Union in favour of closer ties with Russia
Ukraine's opposition leaders address protesters after rejecting Yanukovych's compromise - video
Leaders of Ukraine's main opposition party address a crowd of anti-government protesters on Saturday in Kiev's independence square, also known as Maidan Nezalezhnosti. The main opposition party, Batkivshchyna or the All-Ukrainian Union 'Fatherland', has rejected President Viktor Yanukovych's offer of the roles of prime minister and deputy prime minister for its leaders. Shortly after the protest rally, crowds descended on the international convention centre, Ukraine house, hurling items through windows and letting off fireworks inside.
The memorials of defense architecture in Ukraine – fortresses, castles, fortified churches, town fortifications – are part of Ukraine’s rich historic and cultural heritage. Ukraine has a unique political and geographical location. There are various samples of architecture and various national traditions on the Ukraine’s territory, where many peoples have lived at different times in its history: polish gentlemen, Austro-Hungarian noblemen, Othmen and Russian boyars. They have leaved their mark in history, what determined peculiarity of local national traditions and architectural style.
The highest number of castle fortifications has been preserved in the Ternopol region. The western part of Ukraine’s territory is justly proud of its fortification constructions; however, you can see it in the southern part too.
1. Castle in Kamenets-Podolsky
The Kamenets-Podolsky Castle is first mentioned in the Russian annals in the 12th century. At that time Podolia formed the part of Kingdom of Galicia-Volhynia. Ukrainians were the main population of the city Kamenets-Podolsky from its foundation. In after years Armenian handcrafters and merchants started arriving to the city. People chose such a location for a city fortification to defend the routes of approach with natural barriers. Therefore the first defense fortifications were erected in the places, where there were undefended routes of approach to the island (a narrow isthmus or a canyon). Read more about Kamenets-Podolsky castle.
2. Castle in Khotyn
The first documentary evidence of Khotyn can be found in the “List of Russian remote and close towns”, whose creation may date back to 1394. According to the historical document, dated 1408, there was a state customhouse in the town. Fortress walls were first used to defend the town against Othman troupes, which attempted to conquer this fortification in 1476, but they couldn’t distribute correct their forces. Its walls are 40 metres high and castle area is 1200 x 250 metres. The castle is surrounded by stone and earth fortifications, which are open to visit today. Its walls are decorated with ornament, made of red bricks. Read more about Khotyn castle.
3. Sudak Fortress
The Sudak Fortress is one of the most interesting fortifications on the Crimean Peninsula. Fortresses were built in such cities of the Crimea: Feodosiya, Alushta, Gurzuf, Sevastopol and Kerch. The first written mention of Sudak dates back to the year 242. The ancient Greek manuscript “Sinaksari” notes, that a military fortification has been erected in Sudak. Old Russian sources call Sudak Surosh. This city is mentioned in the artefact of Old Russian literature “The Word about Igor’s Regiment”.
4. Olesky Castle
The Olesky Castle is one of the most interesting castles in the Lviv region. Mikhail Khmil, father of Bogdan Khmelnitsky, did here his military service. This castle became the birthplace of the future Polish King Jan Sobieski. Olesko is situated on a former important crossing of trade routes from Turkey to Lutsk, over the Carpathians to Volhynia. The oval-shaped castle is 50 metres high. The first mention of the Olesky Castle dated 1327. At that time the castle formed the part of possessions of Prince Troiden. However, there are some versions, that this castle has been erected by sons (Andrey or Lev) of Prince of Kingdom of Galicia-Volhynia Jury Lvovich.
5. Shernborn Castle
Village Shernborn is famous for its beautiful castle of Austrian count Shernborn. The castle building was erected in 1890. However, there is a historical witness, that a wooden castle has stood earlier on this place. The Sherborn family used this building as a villa and a very big hunting lodge. The castle was surrounded by exotic trees instead of ditches and walls. This fantastic construction has 365 windows, 52 rooms and 12 entrances. Read more aboutShernborn Castle.
6. Mukachevo Castle
The Mukachevo Castle is visible at a distance, because it is located on a high hill. The castle seems to vilipend the guests, who visit it and can’t ever come near it in battle glory. It was built to defend trade and military routes. The fortification might be erected on the hill in the centuries IX – X and was used to defend boundaries of the Kievan Rus’, located after the Carpathians. In course of time the fortification turned into the feudal castle. It was erected by Russian prince Fyodor Koryatovich. Read more about Mukachevo Castle.
7. Pidhirtsi Castle
The most beautiful castle of “The Golden Horseshoe of Lviv Region” is a powerful example of transforming a defense architecture into a palatial architecture of nobiliary residences. It was built by the architect Andrea Dell’ Aqua, author of this project and the famous “Description of Ukraine” and by the military engineer Guillaume de Beauplan to the order of crown hetman Stanislaw Konetzpolski on the northern outskirts of the Old Russian ancient settlement Plisneskoye. At that time this building was one of the most magnificent palaces on the territory of Eastern Europe, embodied a fashionable style of aristocratic residence, which was used not only as a dwelling-house, but also as a bastion fortification (“palacco in forteca”). After finishing the Liberation War of Ukrainian People, the Sobieski family, who possessed the castle since 1648, restored it and decorated the building interior. There were grandiose balls with the participation of European monarchs in the castle. Read more about Pidhirtsi Castle.
8. Belgorod-Dnestrovsky Castle
The city Belgrod-Dnestrovsky is one of the ancient Ukrainian cities, because it has been built by Cimmerians about the 6th century A.D. At that time this city existed as a polis and was called Ophius. In after years it was renamed to Tira. It’s widely thought, that the city has become a refuge for the Roman poet in exile Ovidius (one of the towers in the castle is even called “Ovidius Tower”).
9. Fortres at the village Tarakanov
The czarist government of the Russian Empire started building the fortress to defend Dubno at the end of the 19th century. The security arrangements for strengthening western boundaries were taken by the Russian czar, who intended to begin the war with Austro-Hungary. The fortress was erected on the hill at the river Iqua. At first the builders created an artificial hill and made two ditches under it. These earth operations lasted for about 10 years. The fortress was built in the rhombic shape. It was 230 metres long and 14 metres wide. Read more about Tarakanov Fortres.
10. Castle in Ostrog
The city Ostrog was first mentioned in the Ipatiyevsky chronicle (1 100 A.D.). At that time there was a wooden fortress in Ostrog. Later a fortified stone castle appeared on this place. The castle had a favourable defensive location and due to natural barriers – also a strategic position. According to Old Russian chronicles Ostrog was a settlement, which formed in the 12th century the part of Kingdom of Galicia-Volhynia. In after years the city was already mentioned as the part of Kingdom of Lithuania. In the second half of the 14th century there was a fortress in Ostrog, also known as the Stone Tower.
Significa "o que
está na fronteira", de "kraina" fronteira em russo e país em
ucraniano. "U" significa o que está "à beira de". Foi
denominada em tempos imperiais de Rússia inferior (nijnaia rossia).
Em 1000 depois de
Cristo os irmãos Kiril, oriundos da Bulgária, trouxeram não só a cristianização
para a Rússia, mas também o alfabeto. O povo falava, mas não escrevia. Fundou o
alfabeto Cirílico, ainda hoje em vigor.
Foi na época em que a
capital da emergente nação russa se situava na "Kievskaia Rus" ou Rússia
de Kiev. Por força das invasões de oriente (Gengis Khan) moveram-se
erraticamente para norte, e instalaram-se ao redor do que hoje é Moscovo.
escravo; era assim que os conquistadores escandinavos chamavam aos autóctones.
São Slaviani... Tal como Adolf Hitler os denominou recentemente...
A Ucrânia crê-se
fundada por Danilo Galitski, nobre de origem polaca, que fundou o reino da
Galitsia, hoje território da Ucrânia ocidental (Lviv) e sul da polônia. Este
reino durou pouco tempo, pois os poderes dos senhores polacos e lituanos
depressa os destruíram, embora se originasse uma "cultura" e
geográfico enorme em relação às origens deram a emergência de uma nação de Rússia
inferior, ou Ucrânia (note-se que a Holanda ainda é hoje designada de Alemanha
inferior, por muito que custe e que não corresponda à realidade... são dados de
história, mais nada, sem aferências culturais).
Me refiro no
"Niederlande" traduzido "Pais Baixo".
Na historia esse pais
tinha muito mais vínculos com a Franca, desde o "Reich der Franken".
A cultura própria
ucraniana desenvolve-se no século XVII, com pensadores e escritores como Gogol,
Taras Shevshvenko, etc.
Aqui já se nota uma
cultura distinta e tendência de nacionalidade diversa; os cossacos de
Zaporozhie são disso um exemplo. Guerreiros exímios, da prikarpatie (sistema
montanhoso a 50 km de Lviv) por diversas vezes mostram a sua valentia, ao
serviço de quem lhes melhor servia, por vezes do poder russo.
Terreno fértil, em
especial na zona oriental, perto da zona da "terra negra" onde cresce
trigo de bom valor, em tempos conhecido como o celeiro da Rússia.
Só que em termos
culturais existe uma diferença enorme entre a Ucrânia nacionalista do ocidente,
sediada em Lviv, e a Ucrânia russófona do oriente.
A primeira mais
primitiva, dedicada à agricultura arcaica (fonte dos emigrantes que temos por
cá) e a segunda mais culta e dedicada à indústria.
Acresce o problema da
Crimeia, zona cedida por Stalin à Ucrânia por altura de um seu aniversário.
Nunca foi ucraniana, nunca se falou ucraniano aí.
territorialmente pelas potências russas e dos USA (e Europa uma vez mais faz
figura de tonta), a localização geoestratégica deste território maior que a
França não permite ao poder russo perdê-lo. Tenha os custos que tiver.
Em nome das pessoas que
lá vivem cultas, bem formadas e bem intencionadas, pedia-se que os poderes em
jogo se pusessem de acordo, de forma a evitar uma guerra Este-Oeste, de
carnificina e ódios latentes quanto recentes.
Está a Europa à altura
deste compromisso? Parece que não. Tanto neste como noutros planos, sem uma
estratégia adequada, sem que a soma das partes valha alguma coisa, será uma vez
mais instrumento do poder dos EUA do que de si própria.
O rearmamento russo
está em marcha e com os timings adequados; preparem-se para que a Europa, a
nossa querida Europa seja uma vez mais arrastada de olhos vendados para uma
realidade da qual acorda à bomba e sairá derrotada enquanto um todo.
E quem lucra com a
crise, também lucrará com a guerra...
Abram os olhos e vejam
no que se estão a meter.
UCRÂNIA À VISTA
Por BERNARDO PIRES DE
A oligarquia ucraniana
que rodeia Ianukovitch quer o melhor da UE (livre circulação), mas desdenha o
cumprimento de qualquer outro critério democrático. A retaguarda russa
permite-lhe o desprezo.
Tendo isto em conta, só uma viragem eleitoral profunda
quebraria essa nomenclatura. É certo que isso pode ser feito à força, com
radicalização, violência policial e caos. Ou pode ser conseguido com recurso a
eleições antecipadas, vergando negocialmente o Presidente após a recusa de
alguma oposição (não toda, porque a intenção era dividi-la) em integrar o
Tendo em conta que os protestos vão já para lá de Maidan, em Kiev, e
chegaram a sul, leste e a norte (Odessa, Sumi, Chernihiv), este seria o timing
para levar às urnas os propósitos das oposições. Mais: legislativas antecipadas
poriam os holofotes em Ianukovitch e Putin, reduzindo a fraude pela
visibilidade do ato, e porque Putin quer tudo menos incendiar Moscovo com novas
manifestações no meio do sonho de sucesso dos Jogos em Sochi.
Porque não falo em antecipar
presidenciais (2015), mas legislativas (2017)? Bem ou mal, Ianukovitch tem
legitimidade para o cargo e seria preferível que uma transição na Ucrânia fosse
negociada (como na Polónia do general Jaruzelski) e não forçada a entrar numa
espiral caótica. Dentro desta linha reformista, uma vitória nas legislativas
daria a um governo "ocidental" a legitimidade para, embalado para as
presidenciais, rever a Constituição e alterar o sistema em favor do Parlamento
e não do Presidente, sempre mais refém de Moscovo.
São cenários, bem sei. E há
uma realidade que continua a esbarrar com a história da Europa de Leste pós-89:
os EUA mostram hoje pouco interesse na Ucrânia e os ucranianos vontade alguma
de entrar na NATO. Lembro que sem esse visto prévio, nenhum país do Centro e
Leste europeu entrou na UE depois de o Muro ter sido derrubado em Berlim.
A Polônia, Hungria,
Eslovênia, Romênia, Letônia, Lituânia Rep. Checa, Eslováquia, Estônia, Croácia
e Bulgária todos estes países estavam sob a pata russa, estes países entraram
na UE, agora visitem estes países e depois visitem a Ucrânia e escolham se é
melhor a pata Russa ou a democracia Europeia.
Esta gente que não conhece a
realidade ucraniana deviam ver como sobrevivem, por isso esta revolta contra o
governo deles, porque não assinaram o acordo com a UE. Os Russos não tem feito
nada por aquele país simplesmente querem continuar a serem os imperialistas
Todo o petróleo e o gás que eles VENDEM a preços mais baixos,
eles não DÃO nada, é uma sopa envenenada para continuarem a ter o controlo
sobre o destino do povo da Ucrânia.
CONHECENDO A UCRÂNIA
O percurso deve começar
pelo centro de Kiev, a Catedral de Santa Sofia que fica na Praça de Bogdam
Hmel’nickij; no centro da praça fica uma escultura dedicada a um chefe militar
A Catedral de
Santa Sofia é o símbolo de Kiev, ela não era apenas usada para celebrações
religiosas, mas também para coroação de reis, nomeação de conselhos de Estado e
assembleias populares; além de receber as delegações diplomáticas de outros